Party leaders wary of Congress’s dismal approval ratings are loath to appear incapable of deficit reduction. Moreover, Republicans are worried about the deep automatic spending cuts to defense programs that would be triggered if the committee fails to reach a deal. Still, officials and leading activists conceded Wednesday that even in this unusual context, the willingness of conservatives to compromise on taxes could forever change the debate within the party. After all, it was Toomey, who, before his 2010 campaign for Senate, headed the Club for Growth, a pro-business group and pillar of the conservative economic movement. He has been one of Washington’s leading advocates of tax cuts. “You’ve got Toomey, the most conservative member of the supercommittee, saying that under certain circumstances he’d be willing to raise taxes. That’s a big deal,” said Phil Kerpen, vice president of Americans for Prosperity. “The most important part of the Republican brand is that they won’t raise taxes,” Kerpen added. “Some say this is a unique situation. Well, people won’t get the nuances. They’ll just see both parties are willing to raise taxes.”
...Any loosening of the GOP’s firm stance on taxes would sharply alter the political dynamics of the party. This change would mark a turnaround, just a year after the rise of the staunchly anti-tax tea party movement propelled Republicans into the House majority. Party activists note that Bush’s 1990 tax deal depressed conservative voter turnout in the next election, contributing to his defeat. They warn that a similar transgression could again deflate the party base, leading to President Obama’s reelection next year and costing Republicans the House.
A GOP aide, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal party deliberations, said the openness to tax increases would not “wipe away” the “very strong fundamental view about taxes.” And yet, the aide added, “It does change the conversation within the context of deficit reduction, and it will have implications.”
Adding to the dilemma facing many Republicans is their party’s long embrace of the Taxpayer Protection Pledge, which was created 25 years ago by anti-tax activist Grover Norquist and remains a rite of passage for Republican candidates at all levels. The GOP supercommittee plan appears to violate the pledge’s requirement that members oppose “any net reduction or elimination of deductions and credits, unless matched dollar for dollar by further reducing tax rates.” Norquist said GOP leaders have assured him that they will not support a tax increase. But some in the party say they no longer feel bound by the Norquist pledge. “I want my constituents to know that I am not in favor of raising taxes. That’s why I signed that pledge,” said Rep. Charles F. Bass (NH). “And I if I have to break that pledge for some reason, it would be because I think there’s a far greater good associated with it, and I’m willing to bear the consequences of that.” Rep. Steven C. LaTourette (OH) signed the pledge in 1994, long before he said he could envision today’s economic turmoil. “Circumstances change,” he said.